By Youngmi Jeong
Applicatives is anxious with the syntax of structures that comprise arguments that go beyond the normal subject-object characterization, and the way the syntax of such structures yields the interpretive results that earlier examine has pointed out. on the empirical point this quantity treatments the inadequacies and barriers of past debts by means of presenting a extra nuanced view of the entire components that input into the syntax and semantics of applicatives. on the theoretical point, this e-book deals empirical arguments for numerous theoretical techniques at the moment entertained within the minimalist software, between which circulate into theta-position, a number of agree, anti-locality, and a truly derivational view on successive cyclic move.
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Additional info for Applicatives : structure and interpretation from a minimalist perspective
McGinnis claims that if a bottom-up approach to merge is assumed for the instrumental applicative (like other high applicatives), the instrumental argument would end up c-commanding the theme, which is not the case. 12 The Merge operation will establish a thematic 11 As Takano (2005) points out in a different context, one may think of this as the most radical instance of tucking-in. 12 The account I discuss in the main text is somewhat different from McGinnis and Gerdts (2003), though the spirit of both accounts is the same.
Interestingly, the newly created group is singled out in terms of case (specifically morphological case). Likewise, even though Anagnostopoulou argues against case-theoretic treatments of the core properties of ditransitives, she adopts (p. 34) Romero and Ormazabal’s (1999) generalization based on case to account for which languages allow double object constructions with unaccusatives (Romero and Ormazabal argue that the languages that disallow such constructions are those that assign the same morphological case to IO and DO).
46 APPLICATIVES tives over and above locality, on the basis of the absence of ditransitive ECM contexts). One may also in principle in this system, but not in McGinnis’s system, find situations where DO moves to a position above IO, but not to the extra LApplP specifier. This derivation is disallowed under McGinnis’s system because every movement out of a phase must necessarily go through the edge of that phase. 4 in the context of Japanese scrambling. Once we get rid of phases, we seem to be back to Anagnostopoulou (2003) for allowing leapfrogging in high applicative constructions: some high applicatives will allow extra specifier, while some won’t.
Applicatives : structure and interpretation from a minimalist perspective by Youngmi Jeong