By Felicitas Becker, Wenzel Geissler, P. Wenzel Geissler
This quantity explores how AIDS is known, faced and lived with via spiritual principles and practices, and the way those, in flip, are reinterpreted and altered via the adventure of AIDS. interpreting the social construction, and productiveness, of AIDS - linking physically and religious stories, and spiritual, clinical, political and fiscal discourses - the papers counter simplified notions of causal results of AIDS on faith (or vice versa). as an alternative, they reveal people's resourcefulness of their fight to maneuver forward inspite of adversity. This relativises the imaginative and prescient of doom generally linked to the African AIDS epidemic; and it permits to determine AIDS, rather than a unique occasion, because the fruits of a century-long strategy of altering livelihoods, physically health and wellbeing and religious imaginaries.
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Extra resources for Aids and Religious Practice in Africa
5 Following the classical witchcraft paradigm described by Evans-Pritchard, if a person becomes sick or dies, often somebody close to this person, a relative or a neighbour with whom the deceased was in conflict, is accused of being responsible for the death by having bewitched and ‘eaten’ the victim. When the death rate is rising, this shifting of responsibility and guilt to the inside of communities increases discord, hatred and fear, sometimes to an unbearable extent. The more people die, the more witches or cannibals seem to be active and responsible.
2, 200–23. NEW DEPARTURES IN CHRISTIAN CONGREGATIONS OF LONG STANDING THE RISE OF OCCULT POWERS, AIDS AND THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN WESTERN UGANDA Heike Behrend Introduction When I came to Tooro in western Uganda in 1998, I was more than surprised to find people talking about abali wawantu, man-eaters or cannibals. Women and men from all social classes, in towns as well as in rural areas, complained that cannibals were killing and eating their relatives, friends and neighbours. These cannibals likewise were said to be witches, because they first bewitched their victims so that they died.
As a former witch-doctor explained to me, many people converted when they saw the power of the UMG. Although sometimes interpreting AIDS and other diseases as ‘natural’ or as divine punishment, Guild members did not really attempt to abandon the witchcraft discourse. They did not try to establish a self-reliant Christian person. Although members of the Guild took sin as a precondition for the invasion of the sinner’s body by satanic forces and so introduced an element of responsibility into their discourse, they had to insist not only on the existence but also on the permanent threat of outside satanic forces, because only through fighting these forces could they give proof of their own powers.
Aids and Religious Practice in Africa by Felicitas Becker, Wenzel Geissler, P. Wenzel Geissler